A Brief Note on Freedom and Duty

There is a frequent misconception that the freedom of the individual implies a lack of duty to others.  Usually this comes in the form of raging against the provision of “welfare,” or pooling private funds into a social insurance fund like Social Security.  Such claims should go further, to demonstrate against payments for policing and public safety, fire control, the paving of roads, etc.  And some, to their credit, take just this tack to its logical conclusion.  That conclusion is, basically, that social requirements, or duties, of me to which I did not explicitly commit are an infringement of my right to freedom.  To understand why this is nonsense, let us first look at the nature of rights.

The most successful definition of a right is in relation to a corresponding duty (this is not universally accepted, I admit).  That is to say, if I have a right, then you have a duty to uphold the content of that right.  For example, my right to the freedom of speech» entails that you have the duty to protect my freedom of speech.  And if you also have that right, then I have the same duty in regards to you.

Thus, if I have any right to freedom» , then you have the duty to protect that freedom.  In a free society, all persons have the right to freedom, and all the rights that are entailed thereby; thus, all persons have the duty to protect one another’s freedom, and all the duties that are entailed thereby.

But – aha! – what is the content of those duties?  Those who reject their social duties claim that those duties implied by rights are those of non-intervention.  That is, that my right to the freedom of speech entails that you have the duty not to prevent my speech – if anybody else does prevent my speech, well, it’s not your problem.  Similarly, you might say that my right to be unharmed means only that you have the duty not to harm me, but not the duty to protect me from violence.

The difficulty with this view is that it separates having rights and duties from actually being able to follow through on them.  If your duty is non-intervention in my enjoyment of a right, then my inability to attain those rights is inconsequential.  We have parliamentary procedure so that everyone may have an equal opportunity to exercise their right of the freedom of speech in an assembly.  If, however, your duty is to non-interference with my right to free speech, then I have only the right to be heard above the shouting of others also trying to be heard in the assembly.  After all, you have no need to see to the realization of my rights as I choose to use them, only not to keep me from speaking.

Under this formulation of right and duty, my claim to my rights becomes counterfactual at best.  I could speak freely, if I can manage to be heard.  I could remain safe, if I can manage to defend myself.  However, if we want our rights to be actually realized, we must accept that we have more thorough duties to fulfill those rights.  Namely, we have the duty not only to not interfere with the pursuit of one’s rights, but the actual positive pursuit of those rights.  We do not merely have the duty not to prevent speech, but to provide equal time for any and all who wish to speak to do so – thus we have parliamentary procedure.  We do not merely have the duty not to cause harm, but the duty to protect one another from violence – thus we have publicly-funded police.

In any case, the centrality of freedom to social organization does not entail the absence of duty.  The question merely becomes what kind of duties do we then have?

Beware, dear readers!  The current United States Constitution only protects your freedom of speech from the United States government, and the state governments, when taken in conjunction with the Fourteenth Amendment.Powered by Hackadelic Sliding Notes 1.6.5
I will go so far as to say that it is the first and original right from which all others are deduced. Powered by Hackadelic Sliding Notes 1.6.5

Are We, the People, Being Represented?

There is little doubt that a modern democratic state requires representation – the vast numbers of people in a modern nation must have someone to “stand in” for them – to represent them – to other similarly large numbers of people, through their own representatives.  People in modern nations are supposed to be assured of representation by the process of electing representatives.  Electoral representative systems are the means by which representatives are motivated by and informed of the public will. The representative wants access to participation in political power, and so will, in theory, behave in a manner consistent with the desires of the majority of his or her electorate.  When the representative fails in this respect, the public does not reelect that representative.  I think we can agree that this doesn’t really happen – in fact it has become painfully obvious.  I mean literally, it’s killing us.  So what’s the problem, and, more importantly, what’s the solution? Continue reading

This is What Democracy Looks Like: the Crowd

Not as funny as Stephen Colbert

On October 30, Daily Show anchor-comedian Jon Stewart held a self-conscious parody of a protest rally, dubiously called the “Rally to Restore Sanity.”  This was Jon Stewart’s call to all those “too busy” to have a political opinion or engage in ordinary civic activity, the “moderate” majority.  Perhaps this was the first ironic rally in human history.  Let’s put aside for now the many questionable assumptions that Jon Stewart and his centrist-liberal cohorts are making about the distribution of political positions in the population.  Stewart has always made light of protests, demonstrations, and rallies, while fawning over his bureaucratic guests on the Daily Show, even if those guests included the Pakistani dictator Pervez Musharraf, or war criminal Tony Blair.

Stewart’s apparent argument would be that rational debate is what changes public policy, and mass protest is not public policy; therefore, it is not rational.  The Tea Party rallies, with their racist caricatures and signs with Obama-as-Hitler (or, puzzlingly, the Joker), certainly help illustrate his argument.  The problem with Jon Stewart’s argument, or what I think his argument is supposed to be, is that public policy, much less social institutions, are not altered in the present social structure by rational deliberation with its policymakers.  Rather, it is the power of the multitude through mass action that changes policy and institutions.
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Rousseau and the General Will

The fundamental problem of political philosophy is “by what duty do I obey, and by what right does another command me?”  Most obedience is simply compelled by the threat of sanction, which ultimately reduces to the threat of force.  But that isn’t the question – threats may cause my obedience, but it does not receive my assent.  If we were to accept that the threat of force as the central principle governing society, not only would we not have a nice society, we would not have a society.  If the force of the stronger is the cause of obedience, then each member of society ought only to try to become stronger, until they have the greater force.  Human beings cannot, and mostly do not, live this way.  We live by reason and justification (“communicative reason”), even if we do not always succeed.  And when we engage in the process of reasoning, we are living by the Principle of Autonomy, for we are then regulating our behavior for ends to which we have assented.  Thus, the fundamental problem becomes recast as this: how can we reconcile the autonomy of reason with social power and political authority?  Swiss philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau provided us with the initial answer, what he called “the General Will.” Continue reading

“You Tell Me It’s the Institution…”

A Classic Study in Institutions

In 1971, a Stanford psychology professor gathered twenty-four undergraduates for an experiment studying the psychology of prisoners and prison guards.  By the end of six days, the “Stanford Prison Experiment” had to be stopped because of the severe abuse and mental disturbances that arose in both the “prisoners” and the “guards.”  Guards became exceedingly cruel, despite not being allowed to physically injure prisoners, but figured out ways to cause suffering and humiliation to the prisoners anyway.  Prisoners, at first rebellious, became frightened and docile, accepting the abuse given by the guards.  But none of the people involved were beforehand found to be prone to this sort of behavior.  All subjects were selected as the most mentally and emotionally stable of the original pool of volunteers, and were assigned randomly to the roles of “prisoner” and “guard.”  The subjects» were acting out the roles and norms that inhere in the institution of prisons.  These were not evil or crazy people.  Rather, the evil came out of placing human beings in a collection of roles and norms – collections called institutions – to which human beings may be ill-suited. Continue reading

I should note that the scientific nature of the experiment is disputed, not the least because the experiment spiraled out of control by its very nature, but also because Zimbardo may have primed the subjects’ expectations in the first place.  The BBC replicated the experiment several years ago as a television program and came out with somewhat different results, including a prison riot.Powered by Hackadelic Sliding Notes 1.6.5

This is What Democracy Looks Like: Communal Councils

We here at Philosophyhelmet bring you the latest in democracy!  Venezuela’s communal councils, assemblies of hundreds of citizens for the administration of their own neighborhoods, are at the forefront of democratic rejuvenation in the world.  Communal councils originated in the attempt of the Venezuelan government to institutionalize participatory budgeting after adoption of Venezuela’s new democratic constitution in 1999.  The government sought to establish administrative organs in municipalities called Local Public Planning Councils that would be the site of participatory budgeting.  However, you can’t legislate democratic participation, only cultivate it.  By 2005, the Planning Councils had been conquered by municipal bureaucracy.  Yet already existing were a multitude of community organizations – local committees for health, education, etc.  In 2006, the National Assembly provided legislation for “communal councils” to unite all of the diverse local committees into singular self-managing neighborhood assemblies of citizens.  Today, (perhaps) one-third of all Venezuelans have organized themselves into communal councils. Continue reading

This is What Democracy Looks Like: Participatory Budgeting

I’ve been promising discussions on genuine and innovative democratic institutions since the beginning of this blog.  I don’t want this blog to be just a litany of the world’s alterable problems, and then say, “We’ve got to start thinking of solutions.”  Too many people do that.  Here there are solutions.  They are solutions that address the root of problems, the structure of society and institutions. Continue reading

The Democracy of Ancient Athens

It is commonly claimed that the story of democracy begins in ancient Athens, but this is pretty clearly false.  Generalizing from technically simpler cultures still existing or having been recorded before their destruction by Europeans, democracy in various direct forms was probably pretty widespread in early human history.  The turn towards authoritarianism in human societies has been speculated to have been the result of sudden shifts in the material basis of that society.  The ways and means of getting what is needed to live were rapidly eroded, perhaps due to various changes in local ecosystems.  But I’m no anthropologist.  What is important about Athens is that it is one of the best recorded democracies available, and one of the most extensive.  The ancient polis is the paradigmatic democracy. Continue reading

5 Myths in American Politics

Hard times can make people pretty crazy.  Instead of steeling themselves and putting their mind to solving their (in our case, myriad) problems, they can do a whole lot of frothing and screaming crazy nonsense.  Here are just five myths that remain ideological obstacles to solving our many, many current problems. Continue reading

A Sample Declaration of Rights for the United States

I have added a sample “Declaration of Rights” that might serve as a model for a future such bill of rights for the United States.  The “Sample Declaration” can be found in the Reading Room for your reading pleasure.  I attempted to address all the failures of our current government regarding the protection and advancement of our rights and liberties, which is why the document is so long.  This is what we the people have coming to us, though, and have had coming for some time, even if it’s been denied.  Only collective mass political action can make it real. Continue reading